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Joined 4 years ago
Cake day: March 23rd, 2022
  • India isn’t going to fight China. They are not that stupid and they are too big to be a controlled puppet state like Japan or Occupied Korea. India may not always have a China-friendly policy but they are going to at least act in their own (bourgeoisie’s) self-interest.

    Japan or the Philippines on the other hand…

  • There is zero real material, social, historical or cultural basis to these borders. They are about as logical as borders drawn by 19th century Europeans in Africa. They are a colonial fantasy.

    In reality all of these except for the Caucasus region are overwhelmingly majority ethnic Russian. If you were to actually cut out ethnic minority regions out of Russia it would look very different.

    (Also, they did zero original thinking for this map, they just took the already existing federal districts of Russia, which are basically arbitrary geographical groupings.)

https://archive.ph/t3mCG

A Gallup poll in 2024 revealed that around a third of Europeans would be unwilling to fight if their own country were attacked. My own country, Italy, was at the bottom of the pack, with a whopping 78% saying they would refuse.

These figures reveal several things at once. Worryingly, they show the growing strength of far-right and far-left forces [and anyone rational who doesn’t want a suicidal war with a superpower with the world’s largest nuclear arsenal] openly sympathetic to Russia and susceptible to its propaganda demonising Europe’s rearmament.

[…]

One way to toughen up populations is to put boots on the ground in Ukraine. For months, a European coalition of the willing has drawn up plans to deploy a “reassurance force” to Ukraine after a ceasefire. These discussions have not led anywhere because a truce is not in sight. Their aim was mainly political: to show European solidarity with Ukraine and encourage American engagement. But Ukraine is under no illusions about the fact that deploying a few thousand European soldiers far from the front line in a hypothetical post-ceasefire scenario would make no difference to its defence.

A European reassurance force would, then, do little for Ukraine. But deploying it now, before a hypothetical ceasefire, could benefit Europe, encouraging citizens to develop a mindset that would better prepare them for war. Yes, it would put European soldiers in harm’s way—any such move would infuriate the Kremlin—but the continent is already in a hybrid conflict, even if many refuse to recognise it. Were European soldiers to be stationed in Ukraine, it would bring reality closer to home [i.e. it would bring bodies in coffins home]. And perhaps a fraction of Ukraine’s courage, humility and creativity [and psychosis and hatred and acceptance of forced conscription and totalitarian dictatorship] could infect other European societies. European troops would not be put in harm’s way out of sheer generosity, but to help prepare for war—

These people are clinically insane.

On June 15, a national conference on Party building was held in Beijing, once again showing that Party building is a fundamental guarantee for national development and national rejuvenation. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the CPC Central Committee has focused on the major questions of what kind of long-term Marxist governing party should be built and how such a Party should be built. It has put forward a series of new concepts, ideas, and strategies, forming the scientific and systematic Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building.

At present, party politics around the world is facing problems such as governance failure, declining public trust, and being held hostage by capital. The limitations of the Western model of party development have become increasingly clear. Many countries that copied Western-style political party systems have fallen into party conflict, social division, and development stagnation. Xi Jinping Thought on Party Building has not only strengthened the century-old Party and supported the steady progress of Chinese modernization, but also gone beyond the conventional Western paradigm of party politics. It has broken the Western discourse monopoly and path dependence in party politics. The new paradigm of party development it has shaped, with its distinctive logic of governance and institutional advantages, has provided a new Eastern reference and a practical option for global party governance.

Compared with Western party systems, China’s new type of party system has clear and essential advantages. Firstly, it follows a people-centered approach rather than a ballot-above-all one. The CPC has always practiced a people-centered philosophy of governance, and its governance is grounded in the sincere support of the people. By contrast, the Western-style parties largely focus on short-term electoral competition. Their policies may be influenced by capital and interest groups, leading to unstable governance and serious internal conflict.

Secondly, the new party system focuses on long-term management rather than short-term, trivial profits. The CPC considers the overall goal of national rejuvenation and ensures the continuity of national strategies. The Western-style parties, however, are often limited by election cycles. As a result, policies change frequently, making it difficult to deal with long-term development challenges.

Thirdly, it practices cooperative governance rather than confrontational checks and balances. China’s political party system upholds multi-party cooperation and consultative governance, bringing together social forces and interests from all walks of life. In contrast, Western-style parties often rely on confrontation and checks and balances, which would only intensify party disputes, divide society, and slow development.

This new Eastern paradigm moves beyond the limits of ballot politics and capital politics. It takes the people’s position as its fundamental standpoint, self-reform as its internal driving force, and a long-term vision to coordinate overall development. It has helped address the historical cycle of rise and fall that besets long-term governing parties. It also serves as an important reference for many developing countries as they explore party systems and development paths suited to their own conditions. Unlike the hegemonic mindset of the West, which exports fixed and rigid institutional templates, China’s model of party governance respects the historical development and real national conditions of different countries. It advocates the coexistence of diverse party systems and mutual learning among political parties, thereby enriching mankind’s forms of political civilization.

Party building in the new era should strengthen its guiding role and better transform institutional advantages into governance effectiveness and development momentum, thereby promoting high-quality economic and social development. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the major achievements made by the Party in poverty alleviation, risk prevention and control, economic growth, and social stability have fundamentally depended on the guiding and supporting role of Party building. At the same time, Party building has focused on the goal of common prosperity, balanced efficiency and fairness, and on the practice of whole-process people’s democracy. It has enabled the benefits of development to reach all people and has created a new path of modernization in which Party building, national development, and the improvement of people’s livelihoods move forward together.

Party building in the new era has strengthened the Party’s governing foundation through three key measures and has established an effective system for exercising full and strict governance over the Party.

Firstly, it improves an organizational system with full coverage. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out that “the strength of the Party comes from its organizations.” As a Marxist-Leninist party organized around revolutionary ideals and iron discipline, the CPC has a tightly knit organizational system composed of central, local, and grassroots-level Party organizations. The central organizations of the Party decide the Party’s line, principles, and policies, and it is necessary to uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Central Committee. Local organizations firmly implement the line, principles, and policies and ensure that they are carried out effectively. Grassroots-level Party organizations serve as strong fighting fortresses in implementing the line, principles, and policies. Party organizations at all levels form an organizational system that is connected from top to bottom and strong in execution, which is totally different from the loose, election-oriented, temporary organizational model of Western-style.

Secondly, it builds a strong cohort of cadres. Only when the Party’s cadres are strong can its organizations be strong and effective. It is necessary to uphold the principle that the Party manages cadres, give priority to political standards, improve the full chain of selection, training, management, and use of cadres, and stimulate the vitality of the cadres cohort. Cadres should be trained through practical work at the primary level so that a group of governing backbone members can continue the great cause of modernization. Therefore, it helps avoid the problems of Western-style parties, such as putting ballots above all and selecting people based on opportunism and short-term trivial profits.

Thirdly, it deepens efforts to improve conduct, strengthen discipline, and fight corruption. Through the continued implementation of the central leadership’s eight-point decision to improve conduct, the Party has persistently corrected wrongdoing. It has also promoted an integrated approach in which cadres do not dare, are not able, and do not want to be corrupted. As a result, through thorough self-reform, the Party purifies the political environment and addresses the structural problems faced by Western-style parties, such as being captured by capital, tied to interest groups, and unable to self-renew.

Not only has the practice of Party building in the new era strengthened the fundamental political foundation of Chinese modernization and shaped a century-old Party that remains dynamic and energetic, but it has also brought new momentum to the reform of world party politics through a new paradigm. Looking ahead to the new journey, continued efforts to deepen Party building in the new era and further release the governance effectiveness of Party building will allow the party system with Chinese characteristics to continue showing its strong vitality. It will also contribute to reforming global governance and advancing human civilization through Chinese wisdom.